Corruption is not a moral issue; it is an economic one
What you need to know:
Ministers diverting relief items, ghost workers, etc, are, in most cases, presented as betrayals of personal integrity
A recent media story revealed that two of the 152 Uganda Civil Aviation Authority (UCAA) employees facing termination were relatives of ministers. This reignited my reflections on political interference in public institutions. This story reaffirmed an enduring truth in Uganda’s political economy that public institutions remain heavily influenced by connections over competence. This is not just a moral concern, it’s an economic one. In Uganda, when corruption makes headlines, it’s always framed as a moral failing, a tale of individual greed. Ministers diverting relief items, ghost workers, etc, are, in most cases, presented as betrayals of personal integrity. But corruption is more than that. It is an economic crime with deep structural roots and historical continuity. To fight it meaningfully, we must address not just ethics but also the colonial legacies in our economy and legal systems.
Corruption didn’t begin after independence; it’s a legacy of the colonial economic system designed not to develop but to extract. Under British rule, laws and institutions served a small elite, enforced loyalty and controlled access to resources like land and licences for the benefit of the colonial master. Today, the colonial script survives. A narrow elite whether in military uniform or in suits distributes public resources not for development but for patronage and enrichment. We are not just battling corruption but navigating a modernised colonial economy disguised as development. According to the Inspectorate of Government, Uganda loses over Shs10 trillion (nearly a quarter of the national budget) to corruption each year. This is not just stolen money, it’s stolen futures. Sadly, the poorest citizens suffer the most.
The endurance of corruption partly stems from flawed legal and institutional frameworks. Our anti-corruption laws are inherited from British colonial codes, which are opaque, inaccessible, and punitive. They often criminalise small offenders while shielding powerful actors behind legal technicalities. These legal systems emphasised control and not justice. They were built to protect power and not to serve citizens. Enforcing such laws without reform only preserves their bias. For instance, the Leadership Code Act and Anti-Corruption Act are often selective and reactive than preventive. The laws are enforced after corruption has happened. Decolonising the anti-corruption fight means more than just enforcing existing rules. It requires redesigning systems and institutions to reflect Ugandan realities and values of fairness and accountability.
Considering the Karamoja iron sheet scandal, Aid meant for an impoverished region ended up with ministers and MPs. This wasn’t just a case of greed; it was political resource extraction echoing colonial patterns. When citizens resist through whistleblowing or activism, they often face threats like arrests. In this context, corruption is not a deviation; it’s a method of governance. Anti-corruption must be more than firing a few staff or a few court trials. It must challenge the colonial economic structures still shaping public institutions. These systems were designed to concentrate power and exclude most Ugandans from economic decision-making. We must create a new economy which is not based on political patronage or foreign independence but one grounded in equity and transparency.
One where a young entrepreneur in Buyende has the same chance as a politically connected businessman in Kampala. An economy where public contracts are awarded, not depending on who made a call from Parliament or State House. Because corruption in Uganda is an economic emergency and not just a moral issue, we must dismantle the systems that sustain it. Otherwise, every audit, arrest, and court case will treat symptoms, not root causes.
O’kirya K.Agii is a lawyer and economic policy enthusiast.